Niyogi Books Posts

“Clock Towers of India: Sentinels of Time”, an interview with the author, Debashish Das

This interview was published on Moneycontrol, 21 Oct 2026.

Clock Towers of India is a richly illustrated exploration of India’s clock towers, revealing how public timekeeping has shaped—and been shaped by—the subcontinent’s history. Many clocks were imported from Britain and Europe, yet their continued survival reflects long traditions of local care, repair and adaptation, alongside later Indian manufacture.

Drawing on photographs gathered from across India, Debasish Das surveys more than 150 clock towers from all corners of the country spanning more than three centuries, from early colonial churches, such as the clock tower at the Basilica of Holy Rosary at Bandel in West Bengal (1660) to post-Independence public monuments, such as Mahatma Phule Mandai Clock in Pune (1993).

The book deals with the clock towers chronologically and provides for each clock tower its construction history, full description of the tower and its architectural style, as well as the description of the clock, dials, clockwork and the clockmaker, and finally an account of the subsequent repairs, maintenance and current status.

Bringing together architecture, horology and wider history, this novel volume opens a new visual and documentary record of India’s public clocks and the communities that have sustained them.

Debasish Das is a technology professional with a deep passion for horology and history, particularly the history of the monuments of Delhi. Through his many insightful blogs on Delhi’s heritage, he has contributed to popularizing their history beyond academic circles. His essays on ‘Sundials to Tell the Time of Prayers in the Mosques of India’ and ‘Introduction of the Indian Standard Time: A Historical Survey’ were well received. He made his authorial debut in 2019 with Red Fort: Remembering the Magnificent Mughals, which provides a vivid exploration of its legacy.

0.  How and why did you get interested in clock towers?  

The following interview was conducted via email. It has been lightly edited.

  1. Why and how was the clock tower conceived? How did the concept spread in India? When was the first tower clock made and where? Is it still working or there is only archival evidence?

The story of the clock tower is, in many ways, the story of how time moved from being a local, often naturally observed phenomenon to a publicly displayed and increasingly standardised measure.

The word clock is derived from words associated with a bell. In medieval Europe, bells played an essential role in religious and civic life. Church bells summoned people to prayer and announced important moments of the day. Initially, the timing of these signals depended on observation of the sun and other methods of timekeeping. Over time, more elaborate water clocks and mechanical devices helped regulate the sounding of bells, reducing the need for constant manual intervention.

India had its own long tradition of time measurement through water clocks, known as ghati-yantra. One common form used a small perforated bowl that floated in a larger vessel of water and gradually sank as water entered through the aperture. Calibrated to sink at intervals corresponding to one ghati—approximately 24 minutes—such devices were used to measure time. The word ghari, still used in several Indian languages to refer to a clock or time, reflects this older vocabulary of timekeeping.

The Chinese Buddhist traveller Yi Jing, who spent many years studying in India, described monastic practices and methods of measuring time. At institutions such as Nalanda, the passage of time was communicated through sounds, including bells and drums. In medieval Delhi, Firoz Shah Tughluq is also associated with a timekeeping arrangement known as tas-i-ghariyal, reflecting the importance attached to measuring and announcing time.

In Europe, the development of mechanical clocks during the late medieval period marked a major turning point. Henry de Vick’s clock, constructed in Paris in 1360, is an important milestone in this history. Nearly three centuries later, Christiaan Huygens’s invention of the pendulum clock in 1656 dramatically improved accuracy. These advances helped make mechanical clocks increasingly practical for public use.

As European trading powers arrived in India, mechanical clocks entered royal courts and elite households, sometimes as diplomatic gifts. However, the adoption of European timekeeping was gradual, shaped by differences in local time-reckoning traditions and by the needs of administration, commerce and religious institutions. With the expansion of colonial rule, railways and modern urban administration, the demand for a more uniform public time became increasingly important.

The clock tower emerged as a particularly effective way of meeting this need. Rising above the surrounding buildings, it made time visible across a town or neighbourhood. Its bells could also communicate the hour to those who could not see the dial. Clock towers consequently became prominent features of churches, railway stations, markets, educational institutions and civic centres. They were not merely timekeeping devices; they were also symbols of authority, technological progress and civic identity.

Identifying the world’s first tower clock, however, is not straightforward. Several surviving European clocks are regarded as among the earliest examples. These include the Salisbury Cathedral Clock, traditionally dated to around 1386; the astronomical clock at Wells, dating to the late fourteenth century; and the Gros-Horloge of Rouen, installed in 1389. Their histories, restorations and surviving mechanisms differ, so claims about which is the oldest must be treated with care. Some retain historic mechanisms, while others have undergone substantial modification or have been preserved in museums.

In India, the story is equally complex. Portuguese and other European establishments introduced new architectural and horological traditions, particularly through churches and settlements along the coast. Bandel Church in Bengal, whose history dates to the Portuguese period, is an important early site to investigate in tracing the arrival of public clocks. St Francis Church in Kochi, originally established by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century, is another significant landmark, although the existence of a clock there before the present installation of 1923 requires further evidence.

Ultimately, the spread of clock towers in India was not simply the importation of a European invention. It was part of a larger transformation in public life, as older traditions of observing and announcing time encountered new technologies and new demands for synchronisation. The towers that emerged from this encounter became enduring landmarks—standing at the intersection of technology, colonial history, urban development and the everyday lives of the people they served.

  •  What is the basic mechanism governing all tower clocks?

Tower clocks have not all operated on the same mechanism. Their designs evolved over centuries, from early water clocks to weight-driven mechanical clocks and, later, clocks regulated by pendulums. Each development reflected the technology available at the time and the growing need for more reliable timekeeping.

The clock built by Henry de Vick in Paris in 1360 is an important milestone in the history of mechanical clocks. The invention of the pendulum clock by Christiaan Huygens in 1656, followed by improvements in escapement mechanisms, greatly enhanced accuracy and helped popularise mechanical timekeeping. Clocks with hour and minute hands subsequently became increasingly common, allowing time to be read directly from a dial.

In a typical mechanical tower clock, four essential systems work together: the driving mechanism, which supplies energy, usually through descending weights; the transmitting mechanism, which carries the motion through gears and wheels; the controlling mechanism, or escapement, which regulates the release of energy and works with the timekeeping element to maintain a steady rate; and the indicating mechanism, which drives the hands across the dial. Many tower clocks have four dials, one on each face of the tower, allowing the time to be seen from different directions. These dials are generally synchronised by the same movement.

India also offers fascinating examples of alternative ways of communicating time. Mumbai’s Time Ball Building, popularly known as Ghadiyal Godi, is a particularly interesting case. Its time ball was designed to drop at a predetermined moment, providing a visual time signal to ships in the harbour. Rather than relying solely on a clock face or the striking of a bell, it communicated a precise moment through a different mechanism.

What fascinates me most is the ingenuity behind these machines and the centuries-long effort to measure, regulate and publicly communicate something as intangible as time. A clock tower is therefore much more than a collection of gears and wheels: it gives time a visible and audible presence in the life of a community.

  • Who was first responsible for their construction and why? How has its “patronage” changed over the years? What does the construction of a tower clock signify for the patron?

In India, clock towers were commissioned by a remarkably diverse group of patrons: colonial authorities, princely rulers, wealthy merchants, philanthropists, religious institutions and civic bodies. Their motivations ranged from commemorating royal events and marking important visits to honouring family members, celebrating religious leaders and beautifying towns.

During the colonial period, several towers commemorated the reign of British monarchs. Mumbai’s Victoria Terminus and Gwalior’s Victoria College, for instance, were associated with Queen Victoria’s Golden Jubilee in 1887, while other towers marked royal visits and jubilees. In princely states, progressive rulers commissioned clock towers as part of a broader vision of urban development and modernisation, often alongside schools, colleges, hospitals and public infrastructure.

Personal memorials formed another deeply moving category. Mumbai’s iconic Rajabai Clock Tower was funded by businessman Premchand Roychand in memory of his mother. Baroda’s Maharani Chimnabai Tower commemorated the Maharaja’s wife, while Lucknow’s Irshad Clock Tower was built by Nawab Syed Hamid Hussain Khan in memory of his son. Other towers honoured fathers, forefathers and fallen soldiers, demonstrating how public structures could preserve private grief and family legacy.

Religious institutions also incorporated clock towers into their architecture, while some rulers commissioned them in honour of spiritual leaders. Educational institutions and municipal authorities subsequently became important patrons, reflecting the growing importance of public timekeeping in civic and institutional life.

Over time, therefore, the patronage of clock towers evolved—from royal and colonial commemoration to civic improvement, philanthropy and institutional identity. For a patron, building a clock tower was rarely just about telling time. It was a way of leaving a visible and enduring mark on the landscape: expressing power, demonstrating progress, honouring a loved one or contributing something lasting to the community.

Perhaps that is what makes these structures so fascinating. A clock tower may have been built to commemorate an empire, celebrate a ruler or remember a family member, but it eventually became part of the everyday life and shared memory of entire town.

re town.

  • Given the time that these were first created, what was the use of a tower clock in a largely illiterate population? Also, a populace that could read time by watching the movement of the sun?

The interesting thing about clock towers is that their significance went far beyond simply telling the time.

Even in a largely illiterate society, people were not unfamiliar with time. They understood it through the movement of the sun, the changing seasons, the length of shadows, and the rhythms of everyday life. But a sundial required sunshine, and reading it accurately required some understanding of its markings. A clock tower offered something quite different: it made time accessible to everyone, regardless of literacy or the weather. Its dial could be seen from a distance, while the striking of its bell made the passage of time audible across the neighbourhood.

More importantly, clock towers helped bring a degree of uniformity to a society where time was often determined locally. They became particularly significant with the growth of railways, commercial activity, administrative institutions and urban centres, where people increasingly needed to coordinate their activities according to a common time.

There was also a larger symbolic dimension. Erected by kings, princely rulers, municipalities and civic institutions, these towers were often statements of authority, modernity and civic pride. They were not merely instruments for measuring time; they were landmarks around which public life evolved.

So, while the sun had always told people when the day was passing, the clock tower introduced a different idea: that time could be measured mechanically, shared collectively and organised for an entire community. In that sense, these towers were as much about the changing relationship between people and time as they were about the technology of timekeeping itself.

  • The variety of clock towers are representative of the age that they were built in. Yet these buildings seem to represent a wide variety of architectural styles. Or did they include certain features that were common to all the clock towers, apart from the clock face? Did the clock towers not follow a single blueprint?  

Unlike many public buildings, clock towers in India never followed a single architectural blueprint. Their diversity reflects the periods in which they were built, the patrons who commissioned them, and the architectural traditions and materials available locally.

Colonial-era towers often incorporated Gothic, Victorian, Indo-Saracenic or neoclassical elements, while those commissioned by princely rulers could draw upon Rajput, Mughal or regional architectural traditions. Some were imposing freestanding landmarks; others were integrated into railway stations, markets, educational institutions, palaces or religious buildings. Their designs frequently reflected the aspirations of their patrons—whether to project authority, celebrate modernity, express cultural identity or beautify a town.

Yet, beneath this architectural diversity, certain features recur. Most towers needed a prominent elevated position for the clock dials to be visible from a distance, a supporting structure capable of housing the mechanism and, in many cases, space for bells. Verticality was important: the tower had to rise above its surroundings to serve as a public timekeeper and a recognisable landmark. Many also incorporated decorative crowns, domes, cupolas, pinnacles, balconies or arched openings, although none of these was universal.

The clock tower was therefore less a fixed architectural type than a functional idea that could be adapted to different settings. Its essential purpose remained the same, but its appearance could be Gothic in one city, Indo-Saracenic in another, and distinctly regional elsewhere.

That, to me, is one of the most fascinating aspects of India’s clock towers. They share a common function, but each tells a different story about its time, its place and the people who built it. Together, they form not one architectural style, but a remarkable record of India’s changing architectural, social and cultural landscape.

  • How did you select the clock towers featured in the book? How did you gather the information and verify it for every entry? The incident about the Ghanta Ghar in Meerut being restored for a proposed film shoot by Shah Rukh Khan is a lovely story!

The research for Clock Towers of India: Sentinels of Time began in 2019, growing out of my fascination with sundials, the history of timekeeping in India and the evolution of Indian Standard Time. Over five years, I documented around 150 clock towers across the country.

My selection was guided by more than architectural beauty or historical age. I wanted to capture the diversity of India’s clock towers—their architectural styles, patrons, purposes and historical contexts. Some commemorated royal jubilees or important visits; others honoured family members, celebrated religious figures or reflected the vision of progressive rulers. I was equally interested in towers that had been neglected or had unusual stories to tell.

One of the biggest challenges was the absence of any single, comprehensive source of information. The material was scattered across archives, historical publications, newspapers, institutional records and local accounts. Even at the sites themselves, there was often little information available. Online sources could be equally frustrating, with claims repeatedly reproduced without clear evidence of their origins.

The clock mechanisms presented an additional challenge. Records might identify a tower’s date and patron but say little about its manufacturer, mechanism or subsequent restoration. I therefore treated online information as a starting point, not as evidence in itself, cross-checking details against contemporary publications, manufacturers’ catalogues and archival records wherever possible. The Building News, the Antiquarian Horological Society in London and the research of turret-clock specialist Chris Pickford were particularly valuable resources.

Expert guidance was equally important. Clock specialists and restorers, including Vaibhav Maini in Allahabad and Ashwani Kumar in Chandigarh, helped me investigate technical details that conventional historical records often overlooked. The guidance of Professor S. R. Sarma, an eminent authority on ancient Indian scientific instruments, was invaluable in assessing historical sources. Friends and contributors across India also played a vital role in locating local records and connecting me with people familiar with individual clock towers.

Stories such as the restoration of Meerut’s Ghanta Ghar associated with Shah Rukh Khan’s proposed shooting of the film Zero remind us that these structures are not merely relics of the past; they remain part of living communities. Their histories continue to evolve through the people who care for them.

Ultimately, I followed a simple principle: if I could not establish a fact with reasonable confidence, I would rather leave it out than including it.Some towers consequently did not make it into the final selection. I wanted every entry to offer readers not just a description of a building, but a credible account of its history, its mechanism and the people behind it.

  • How many of these clock towers are in working condition? Who is responsible for their maintenance? Do skilled clockmakers exist?

It is difficult to give an exact number of India’s clock towers that remain in working condition, because there is no comprehensive national inventory documenting the operational status of their original clock mechanisms. Some continue to keep time, others work intermittently, and many have had their original mechanical movements replaced by modern electric or battery-operated systems.

The responsibility for maintenance varies from tower to tower. Municipal corporations, heritage authorities, religious institutions, educational establishments and other building owners may be responsible, but the availability of funds and technical expertise differs considerably. The greater concern is the dwindling number of skilled clockmakers who understand these historic mechanisms. While clock repairers certainly exist, specialists capable of restoring and maintaining large turret clocks are increasingly rare.

A tower clock is not simply a giant wristwatch. It is a complex machine comprising gear trains, escapements, driving weights, linkages and, often, hammer-and-bell systems. Maintaining it requires mechanical expertise, patience and an understanding of historical technology. Much of this knowledge is acquired through hands-on experience, making the absence of apprenticeships and knowledge transfer particularly worrying.

In many places, replacing the original mechanism with a battery-operated quartz clock appears to be the easier and cheaper option. Yet this can become a false economy. The original mechanical movement, if properly maintained, may continue working for generations, whereas replacement systems can also fail through exposure to weather, inadequate maintenance or unsuitable installation. More importantly, replacing the mechanism can mean losing an irreplaceable piece of horological heritage.

We may well be only one generation away from hearing some of these towers fall silent forever.

Of course, people today have mobile phones and smartwatches; few depend on a clock tower to know the time. But if the original mechanism disappears, something more significant than its practical function is lost. The gears stop turning, the weights become redundant and the bells fall silent. The tower remains, but its mechanical heart is gone.

Countries such as Britain, Germany and the Czech Republic offer examples of how historic clock mechanisms can be treated as heritage in their own right, rather than merely as fittings within historic buildings. India needs a similar commitment through systematic documentation, conservation funding, specialist training, apprenticeships and networks of skilled custodians.

The value of these clocks today lies not simply in their ability to tell time, but in what they represent: the ingenuity of earlier generations and their ability to build machines designed to last. When a clock tower falls silent, we lose more than a way of measuring time. We lose the sound of time passing through history itself.

  • Why is the concept of a clock tower being resurrected in some states of India such as Uttar Pradesh? What exactly are these new constructions trying to invoke?

The revival of clock towers in some parts of India, including Uttar Pradesh, reflects a desire to create civic landmarks, beautify public spaces and evoke a sense of heritage and identity. Traditionally, a clock tower was much more than a timekeeping device: it was the focal point of a town, a symbol of civic pride and a place around which public life often revolved. New constructions may seek to recreate some of that symbolism—to give a place a distinctive identity and a sense of permanence.

However, I sometimes wonder whether we are reproducing the appearance of clock towers without fully understanding what made the originals meaningful. A tower placed outside a shopping mall or beside a pavement may be visually attractive, but does it have a genuine relationship with its surroundings, its history or the community it serves? A clock tower cannot acquire significance through architecture alone; that significance develops through its association with people and place.

Strictly speaking, we no longer need clock towers to tell us the time. Our phones and smartwatches have made them largely redundant as timekeeping devices. Yet they remain relevant as landmarks, repositories of collective memory and expressions of a city’s identity.

I would therefore place greater emphasis on restoring and preserving our historic clock towers than on constructing new ones merely for decoration. A historic tower is not simply a building with a clock face. Its architecture, mechanical movement, gears, weights and bells together tell a story about the technology, craftsmanship and society of its time. Replacing its original mechanism with a modern quartz system may keep the hands moving, but it risks reducing a living timepiece to a decorative façade.

New clock towers can certainly have a place in contemporary urban design, provided they serve a meaningful civic or cultural purpose rather than being superficial imitations of the past.

We may no longer need clock towers to tell us the time. But we still need them to remind us where we have come from, to give our cities a sense of place, and to preserve a tangible connection with the generations that came before us.

  • An interesting fact that you unearth in your research about clock towers in India is that religions adopt the customs and rituals of another religion as revealed in these clock towers. Please elaborate.  

One fascinating aspect of India’s clock towers is how a technology that originated in a particular religious context gradually transcended religious boundaries. In medieval Europe, churches were among the earliest institutions to adopt mechanical clocks, primarily to regulate prayer schedules and announce them through bells. Their prominent towers made time visible and audible to the wider community. In that sense, churches were among the earliest public timekeepers.

When this architectural tradition reached India, clocks were initially associated with churches, but gradually found their way into synagogues, temples, mosques, imambaras and civic buildings.

The central argument is that clock towers illustrate how a technology associated initially with one religious tradition transcended religious boundaries and was adapted by other communities to suit their own cultural and religious contexts.

There are two related but distinct aspects to this:

  • The spread of timekeeping: Mechanical clocks were first widely adopted by European churches to regulate prayer times. In India, clock towers subsequently appeared in temples, mosques, synagogues and civic buildings, extending the technology beyond its original religious setting.
  • The exchange of religious customs: The interaction was not limited to clocks. Religious communities also adopted and adapted architectural features and ceremonial practices from one another, as illustrated by the examples from Villianur.

The important distinction is that the adoption of a clock tower does not necessarily mean that a religion adopted another religion’s rituals. Rather, clock towers provide a lens through which to examine the wider exchange of technologies, architectural forms and cultural practices.

The takeaway: India’s clock towers tell a story not only of how societies learned to measure and communicate time, but also of how ideas travelled across religious and cultural boundaries, acquiring new meanings along the way.

  1. How and why did you get interested in clock towers?  

The idea emerged naturally from a journey that had begun several years earlier. Under the guidance of Prof. S. R. Sarma, I had first studied sundials in Indian mosques and later the history of Indian Standard Time. Having explored how Indians measured time through shadows, and how the country eventually adopted a common standard time, the next logical step in this historical journey was to study the monuments that made time visible to entire cities—the clock towers.

I finally gathered the courage to begin the project in July 2019. What I had imagined would be a modest undertaking gradually turned into a five-year journey spanning more than three centuries and almost every corner of the country.

What surprised me most was discovering that India’s clock towers were far older, more numerous and more diverse than I had imagined. Like many people, I had assumed that public clocks arrived with the British Raj and were largely confined to a handful of famous monuments. But the evidence revealed a much richer story—of churches, synagogues, temples, markets, railway stations, universities, princely states and even maritime structures.

Each tower opened a door into an unexpected piece of history. A search for a clock tower could lead to the origin of a town’s name, the story of institutions established for the sons of Indian princes, or forgotten episodes preserved only in local memories and old newspapers. Again and again, I found myself verifying dates, consulting archives and cross-checking facts.

By the end, I realised that I had not merely written a book about clock towers. I had stumbled upon a neglected chapter of India’s social and cultural history—and that discovery convinced me that the story deserved to be told.

  1. Were there any clocktowers that you were aware of, but did not include in the book? Can you list some unique clock towers from the book?

I have included the clock towers that I was able to research sufficiently for the book. However, during the course of the research, I came across many more towers that I could not document adequately or ultimately decided not to include.

There were several reasons for this. In some cases, I could not obtain good photographs or sufficiently reliable information about the tower, its history, clock mechanism or provenance. In other cases, the information available was too limited to develop a meaningful entry. There was also a practical consideration: I wanted to keep the project within a manageable scope rather than turn it into an exhaustive inventory of every clock tower in India.

In the course of my research, I came across clock towers in cities across the country that did not make it into the final selection. These included, among others, Gujarat University in Ahmedabad; the clock towers of Alwar, Amreli, Bikaner, Chandausi, Damoh, Dewas, Faizabad, Hardoi, Haridwar, Himmatnagar, Kasganj, Katni, Khandwa, Nagercoil, Sikar, Udaipur and Ujjain; Egmore Station in Chennai; Annamalai University in Chidambaram; the New Egerton Woollen Mills in Dhariwal; Daly College in Indore; Gun Carriage Factory and other towers in Jabalpur; several structures in Jaipur; St Mary’s Church and Netaji Subhas Dock in Kolkata; several institutional and residential towers in Mumbai; the Mysore Palace clock tower; several towers in Pune; the Golden Rock Railway Workshop and District Court in Tiruchirappalli; and a number of historic towers in Vadodara, including Nyay Mandir, Khanderao Market and Sayaji Tower.

There were also some particularly interesting examples that I would have liked to include but could not document to the standard I wanted. That is one of the realities of researching architectural and mechanical heritage: finding evidence of a clock tower is one thing; finding enough reliable information to tell its story properly is another.

Ultimately, I preferred to include 150 towers for which I could provide a reasonably well-researched and documented story, rather than increase the number simply for the sake of completeness. The towers that did not make the book remain part of my research material and, in some cases, could form the basis for future work.

Regarding some of the unique clock towers, although each one is special and different, few distinctive ones can be as follows.

At the top would be Methan Mani in Thiruvananthapuram—a sacred automaton clock within a temple, unlike anything else in India.

Then the Time Ball Building in Mumbai, which wasn’t built for people at all, but for ships—part of a global maritime time network.

The Paradesi Synagogue in Kochi stands out as a rare example of a Jewish place of worship with a clock tower on the Malabar Coast.

The Hooghly Imambara Clock Tower is remarkable for its massive hand-wound mechanism—one of the largest in the country.

The Charminar in Hyderabad becomes unique because clocks were added to a seventeenth-century monument, blending eras in a single structure.

The Rajabai Clock Tower in Mumbai reflects a beautiful fusion—Victorian design, Indian patronage, and a deeply personal story behind its name.

The Port Blair Clock Tower stands apart for its remote island setting, tied to stories of empire and maritime history.

Kamla Tower in Kanpur represents industrial India—a clock tower built not for religion or governance, but for enterprise.

And the Chinnakada Clock Tower in Kollam shows how a memorial can become the very identity of a city.

And lastly—the Husainabad Clock Tower in Lucknow, India’s tallest, a striking symbol of Nawabi ambition and modernity.

  1. Can you tell about some clock towers that no longer exist?

I have referred to several such lost towers in the book. These include the 128-foot Northbrook Clock Tower at the centre of Chandni Chowk, which collapsed in the 1950s; the historic Tehri Clock Tower, built in 1897 in honour of Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee and submerged in 2006 following the construction of the Tehri Dam; the Landour Clock Tower in Mussoorie, whose demolition prompted a silent protest led by the late actor Tom Alter in 2010; the Vellore clock erected to commemorate the coronation of King George V and Queen Mary, which was demolished to make way for a new market; and the iconic clock tower of Bengaluru’s Russell Market, which had also disappeared by the time a friend went there to photograph it. These lost towers are not included in the present count of 150.

Regarding the Chandni Chowk Ghantaghar in Delhi. Although the tower itself no longer exists, it is perhaps one of the most evocative examples of what a clock tower can represent in the history of a city.

The 128-foot Northbrook Clock Tower stood at the heart of Chandni Chowk, in Shahjahanabad and close to the Red Fort. It was built by the British in the nineteenth century, alongside the Town Hall, and symbolised a major transformation in the character of Delhi—from the Mughal imperial city to the colonial capital. The site itself had already been at the centre of political power under Mughal emperors such as Shah Jahan, Aurangzeb and Bahadur Shah Zafar.

The tower subsequently witnessed some of the most important political and social changes in modern Indian history. It saw nationalist processions, the Swadeshi movement, political speeches, the celebrations surrounding Independence in 1947 and the upheaval of Partition, including the movement of refugees. The Union Jack was replaced by the Indian Tricolour there on 15 August 1947.

The tower collapsed in the 1950s and was subsequently dismantled, but its memory survives in the name ‘Ghantaghar’, which continues to identify the area. There have also been proposals to recreate a replica of the tower.

“Ganga’s Choice and Other Stories” by Vaasanthi

Tamil writer and journalist Vaasanthi’s collection of short stories Ganga’s Choice and Other Stories is mixed bag ( Niyogi Books). While the title indicates that the stories are in all likelihood womencentric, but it is not so. The stories are by a woman writer with a very strong sense of empathy for her characters, human rights and justice. The title story is bold even though it should not be— the protagonist asserts her right to be single, not forced into marriage or hand over the title deed to her one-room tenement to a prospective suitor. In womens movements, this idea of choice is a strong option and depending on how it is exercised, is viewed either favourably or not by feminists. In this story, feminists will approve of Ganga opting to live life on her own terms. If she had made the choice to capitulate to marriage and patriarchal notions of the man usurping her property, then it would not have been viewed kindly. But it is precisely these scenarios that make the concept of choice in the third wave of feminism problematic for many. The free will of the individual/woman is barely taken into consideration unless the woman chooses for the “right” way. Be that as it may, “Ganga’s choice” is predictable but it is necessary for such stories to be repeated over and over again as they are empowering for the readers. It offers a way of existence.

The other stories in the volume are more varied. “The Testimony” is a disturbing short story about a young woman seeking justice from the courts regarding the lynching of fourteen members of her family but having to retract her testimony at the last minute. She does it to save the lives of her mother and younger brother after receiving death threats. Also, after realising that the perpetrators have bought over the entire machinery of law enforcement officers, witnesses and legal entities. A single woman is helpless in such a situation. Two other stories that stand out are “He Came” and “The Line of Control” that have a strong journalistic flavour. In the tradition of best reportage, real events are repeated in the form of a story. “He Came” is most definitely based on a true event that took place at the beginning of the pandemic when two migrant workers, a Muslim and Hindu, best friends from childhood began the trek home. On the way, the Muslim got Covid and was very sick, but his friend looked after him. The patient had to be hospitalised and his friend stayed with him. Unfortunately, he died. Vaasanthi’s moving short story is more or less similar to this real story although she never acknowledges it being based on the incident. I remember the story from the beginning of the pandemic. It stood out. “The Line of Control” is about a young Muslim boy, Akbar, rescued by his Sikh neighbour, Jagat Singh, who had lost his family in cross-border firing, but never nursed anger for the other. Even though his “friends” like Somnath “parroted” what they had been told regarding the “enemy” —

“No matter who the perpetrator of the crime , that fellow is your enemy.”
…
“He is your enemy; His religion is your enemy.”

Enshrining real incidents such as these in short stories are a fine example of our Indianess, our secular fabric, our gender equality as enshrined in our Constitution by granting universal franchise. If the goal is that narratives will never be forgotten despite external factors trying to create a divisive society, then these stories are effective.

While the stories are a repository of our society in flux and an attempt to capture details, the book itself is a textbook case study of publishing translations. There are three translators involved in this project— Sukanya Venkataraman, Gomathi Narayanan and Vaasanthi. Yet, none of them are mentioned as translators on the book cover or title page. Nor does the copyright page mention Venkataraman or Narayanan. The copyright for text and translation rests with Vaasanthi. The relevant translator is acknowledged at the end of every story and Vaasanthi also graciously mentions them on the last page. But this lack of clarity about the relationship between author and translators is unacceptable. If the translations had been commissioned then it should be clearly mentioned. This is probably the case since the translators seem to have relinquished their rights as evident in the copyright page. Even if the translators did not sign a publishing contract for this book, in the interests of good publishing practice, they should have been mentioned on the book cover. This is one of the fundamental demands of translators worldwide to be given due recognition in the destination language. This is not a difficult request to accede to. Apart from which it accords everyone in the editorial team equal respect. It is worth considering.

Read Ganga’s Choice and Other Stories . It is obvious that many of these stories are going to find their way into supplementary readers for schools and colleges. Decide for yourself.

5 Feb 2022

Book Post 44: 25 Aug – 14 Sept 2019

Book Post 44 includes some of the titles received in the past few weeks. Wherever available Amazon’s Kindle widget has been embedded in the blog post. It will allow you to browse through the book before you decide to buy it.

16 Sept 2019

“Preeto & Other Stories: The Male Gaze in Urdu”

Preeto & Other Stories : The Male Gaze in Urdu is a collection of short stories edited and introduced by noted writer and translator Rakhshanda Jalil. This extract is taken from her fabulous introduction that gives a broad overview of Urdu writing. While there is a detailed portion on Urdu women writers the selected extract focuses on the reasons for Rakhshanda Jalil’s selection with a brief commentary on the male writers she chose to include in the anthology.

This extract is published with the permission of the publishers Niyogi Books.

***

The woman has been both subject and predicate in a great deal of writing by male writers. In poetry she has, of course, been the subject of vast amounts of romantic, even sensuous imagery. Be it muse or mother, vamp or victim, fulsome or flawed, there has been a tendency among male writers to view a woman through a binary of ‘this’ or ‘that’ and to present women as black and white characters, often either impossibly white or improbably black. Since men are not expected to be one or the other but generally taken to be a combination of contraries, such a monochromatic view inevitably results in women being reduced to objects, of being taken to be ‘things’ rather than ‘people’. That this objectification of women, and the consequent dehumanisation, effectively ‘others’ half the human population seems to escape many writers, even those ostensibly desirous of breaking stereotypes or those who see themselves as liberal, even emancipated men. Films, television and media have traditionally aided and abetted the idea that women are objects to be pursued and eventually won over like trophies or prizes. Literature has fed into the trope that women are bona fide objects of sexual fantasy, or blank canvases on which men can paint their ideals, or even empty vessels into which they can pour their pent-up feelings and emotions.


Feminist theoreticians would have us believe that there is, and has always been, a traditional heterosexual way of men looking at women, a way that presents women as essentially sexual objects for the pleasure of the male viewer. The feminist film critic Laura Mulvey, in her seminal essay ‘Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema’ (1975), termed this way of seeing as the ‘male gaze’. Mulvey’s theory was based on the premise that ‘an asymmetry of power between the genders is a controlling force in cinema; and that the male gaze is constructed for the pleasure of the male viewer which is deeply rooted in the ideologies and discourses of patriarchy’. Within a short span of time, the expression slipped into accepted usage and moved seamlessly across medium: from film to literature to popular culture. Today, we use the term loosely to describe ways of men seeing women and consequently presenting or representing them. 

In the context of Urdu, I have always been intrigued by how men view women and, by extension, write about them. For that matter, I am equally intrigued by how women view women and the world around them. In fact, as a precursor to this present volume, I had edited a selection of writings in Urdu by women called Neither Night Nor Day (Harper Collins, 2007). I had set myself a deliberately narrow framework by looking at women writers from Pakistan as I was curious to discover how women, in an essentially patriarchal society, view the place of women in the world. I chose 13 contemporary women writers and tried to examine the image and representation of women by women.

Now, ten years later, I have attempted to do the same with male writers, except that this time I have chosen Indian writers. While I have begun with two senior writers, Rajinder Singh Bedi and Krishan Chandar, I have chosen not to go back to the early male writers such as Sajjad Hyder Yildrum, Qazi Abdul Ghaffar or even Premchand, for that matter, who wrote extensively on women. For the purpose of this study, I wanted to make a selection from modern writers. In a world where more women are joining the work force, where ever more are stepping out from their secluded and cloistered world and can be physically seen in larger numbers, I was curious to see how, then, do male writers view and consequently present or represent the women of their world.

….


My task was made easy by two progressives — Rajinder Singh Bedi and Krishan Chandar — who continued to be active long after the progressive writers’ movement had petered off. Nurtured by a literary movement and a body of writers that prided in looking at women as comrades-in-arms, both have written powerful female characters but both can be occasionally guilty of a sentimentalism, a tendency to idealise a woman in an attempt to appear even-handed. The first story in this collection, ‘Woman’ (‘Aurat’) by Bedi shows the writer struggling to shake off a centuries-old conditioning, one that sees a woman as a nurturer, a preserver of a life force no matter how flawed or frugal that life force might be. A father might be willing to get rid of a child that is less-than-perfect, a bit like a vet that puts diseased or broken animals to sleep, but a mother can never envisage such an idea. Added to this view is the familiar trope of unrequited love, that too for a damsel in distress, of a male viewer drawn to a woman who loves her child unconditionally. This ability to love makes everything about her so attractive: ‘I don’t know if she was beautiful in real life but in my fantasy she was extremely attractive. I really liked the way she patted her hair in place. She would flick her hair off her face, stroke them in place with her fingers, stretching her hands all the way behind her shoulders — making it so difficult for me to decide if this was a conscious habit or an involuntary action.’

Krishan Chandar’s ‘Preeto’, also the title story for this collection, has two seemingly unrelated tracks that converge in a most unexpected manner: both lead to a point where the woman is eventually perceived as beautiful and enigmatic, the depths of whose heart can never be plumbed by a man. While one track leads to a gruesome tragedy, the other leads nowhere. The parallel tracks meet at a point of sorrowful acknowledgement: ‘A woman never forgets. Those people do not know women who think she comes to your home in a palanquin, sleeps on your bed, gives you four children and in return you can snatch her dream away, such people don’t know women. A woman never forgets.’ A man may love her and pamper her but there is no knowing that she will love him in return or that she will ever fully reveal what lies buried beneath seeming normalcy.

Gulzar heralds the onset of modernity in Urdu literature. In his story, a woman may work and play the field, she may find love outside marriage, she may stray as far as her former husband but she is still tethered to the yoke of motherhood, of being answerable to a man: in this case her son, a 13-year old boy who stops being her son the moment he turns a male gaze at her. The same son who is willing to stand up for her when she is a woman wronged, a victim, turns against her when she is perceived as a woman who has committed a wrong and set foot outside the proverbial lakshman rekha or line of chastity and honour. Gulzar’s ‘Man’ (‘Mard’) reminds us how ingrained these notions of honour are and how stringently women, more than men, must subscribe to them.

Faiyyaz Rifat’s ‘Shonali’ and Ratan Singh’s ‘Wedding Night’ (‘Suhaag Raat’) are classic instances of the male gaze: one is directed by an older man at a young nubile servant and the other at a maalan (a girl who tends a garden). In this thinly-disguised moral tale, the flowers are symbols of ‘pure’ love that a girl gives her groom on her wedding night. Both stories show a preoccupation with beauty and youth, a preoccupation that is also found in Baig Ehsas’s ‘A Heavy Stone’ ‘Sang-e Giran’ and Syed Muhammad Ashraf’s ‘Awaiting the Zephyr’ (‘Baad-e Saba ka Intizar’). Deepak Budki’s ‘Driftwood’ and Hussainul Haque’s ‘The Unexpected Disaster’ (‘Naa-gahaanii’) are troubling stories: the former makes a case for women who have been victims of abuse in childhood (incest in this case) becoming wayward and wilful as adults and the latter for victims of marital abuse having every reason to find love outside a loveless marriage yet refraining from doing so out of a sense of honour and uprightness. Both stories, in a sense, dwell on the notion of moral turpitude and its opposite, a dignity that men expect from women.

Zamiruddin Ahmad’s ‘A Bit Odd’ (‘Kuchh Ajeeb Sa’) is a niggling look at the idea of dignity, a quality that is intrinsic to women in a patriarchal world view and is only enhanced by the institutions of marriage, home, religion, domesticity. Abdus Samad probes a woman’s heart, scouring the ashes for a lambent flame in ‘Ash in the Fire’ (‘Aag Mein Raakh’): a thick blanket may douse a fire but beneath the ashes something will continue to smoulder. Rahman Abbas presents us with a contrarian view: What if a woman is self-avowedly asexual? What if she is willing to be a man’s friend and companion but nothing else? Will the male gaze continue to peer and prod looking for something that does not exist? What if a woman says ‘I don’t feel any need. I’m a dry river’? The woman in Siddique Alam’s ‘The Serpent’s Well’ (titled ‘Bain’ meaning ‘lamentation’ in the original but given this title by the translator) is as ancient as the forested heartland of India, and just as darkly mysterious.


To conclude, let me rest my case with these words by Milan Kundera in The Book of Laughter and Forgetting:

‘The male glance has often been described. It is commonly said to rest coldly on a woman, measuring, weighing, evaluating, selecting her — in other words, turning her into an object… What is less commonly known is that a woman is not completely defenseless against that glance. If it turns her into an object, then she looks back at the man with the eyes of an object. It is though a hammer had suddenly grown eyes and stare up at the worker pounding a nail with it. When the worker sees the evil eye of the hammer, he loses his self-assurance and slams it on his thumb. The worker may be the hammer’s master, but the hammer still prevails. A tool knows exactly how it is meant to be handled, while the user of the tool can only have an approximate idea.’

While a woman is certainly no tool, nor should she know how to be ‘handled’, there is something to be said for returning the gaze, of looking back. Perhaps if more women were to turn a steady gaze back at the beholder, there is no knowing what the ‘seeing eye’ will see.

Preeto & Other Stories : The Male Gaze in Urdu , Edited and introduced by Rakhshanda Jalil. Thornbird, an imprint of Niyogi Books, New Delhi, 2018. Hb. Pp. 200. Rs 450

8 March 2019

New imprints launched in India

In the past few months new imprints have been announced by publishing houses in India.

The first was Niyogi Books launching  their three imprints — Thornbird for translation ( H S Shivprakash), Olive Turtle for Original Fiction ( Keki Daruwalla) and Paper Missile for Non fiction ( Udaya Narayan Singh).

The second was the translation programme announced by Ratna Sagar led by Dinesh Sinha. They have launched with three titles and have a few more planned in 2018.

The third is the children’s imprint launched by Readomania.

This afternoon Westland ( an Amazon company) announced the launch of a new literary imprint called “Context”. It will include serious, thoughtful, politically engaged fiction and non-fiction, mostly in hardback, by writers from the Indian subcontinent.

And if the rumours are true then there are some more to be announced later this year.

16 January 2018 

“Maps of Delhi” Pilar Maria Guerrieri

Maps of Delhi is a rich collection of historical maps after 1803 till the Master Plan of Delhi 2021. Pilar Maria Guerrieri as a doctoral student of architecture started scouring the National Archives of India and institutions for maps. Studying maps helped her understand the evolution of Delhi as a city while making it possible to “consider the link between empty spaces and built areas as well as the association between agricultural and non-agricultural land.  They distinguish public buildings, the disposition of plots, the types of housing, and the density of the urban fabric in addition to interpreting the structures innervating the territory, like watercourses, canals, routes, railroads, and roads, as also the order or constellation of the countryside and the correlation between villages and cities. Effectively and particularly in the illustration of Delhi, these maps delineate, more so demarcate and define, the spread of several urban settlements, planned or organically organised, and provide a pragmatic synopsis of how they are juxtaposed, concurrent or interlaced, with each other”.

In his Foreword to the book, well-known architect, A. G. Krishna Menon says the geneaology of Pilar Maria Guerrieri’s methodology can find its roots in the Italian acdemic tradition of understanding a city by studying its maps and drawings or the so-called “Italian school of planning typology’ which developed theoretical approaches based on analysing ancient cartography of cities as a foundation and core of their design interventions. “These pioneering initiatives established the Italian academic culture of physical planning, which becomes evident in the manner Guerrieri studied Delhi.”

Cartography is an exacting technique through which areas of territory are represented. Maps have always been extremely useful to governments, military commanders, engineers and increasingly civilians. Earlier they were largely representative but with increased knowledge and advanced measurement tools it became possible to create more and more accurate maps.

In the Indian sub-continent for centuries people have relied on the patwaris or the lowest level of state functionary in the revenue collection system to record land use. These individuals are to be found whereever there is habitation and in the older settlements the records stretch back decades, sometimes even centuries. Maps are a repository of a lot of sensitive information as well.

Today maps are used increasingly in real time particularly on digital devices using a complex network of satellites, an extensive network of cables and Internet connectivity. Fewer individuals rely on printed maps, less and less of which are being published too. It may be a convenient tool to access a map on a smartphone but over a period of time it will become evident that a significant way of recording history and land use will be lost forever. For now it is not very clear who is storing this information since there are multiple agencies and individuals recording it. In the future researchers like Guerrieri may find it challenging to seek the information they desire since data will be non-existent or available in formats that newer technologies may be unable to access. At least printed maps such as those included in Maps of Delhi remain available over time. While we are on maps of Delhi here is an interesting one commissioned by Raghu Karnad as editor, Time Out — Literary Map. It was designed by Akila Seshayee. 

Interestingly enough even to reproduce the few images for this article required new permission from the National Archives of India. Some of the maps though published in the book cannot be reproduced anywhere else for their sensitive nature and only one-time use has been granted for the book.

Maps of Delhi is a heavily illustrated book in four colour. A scrumptious production worth possessing for the lay reader or the specialist. It makes a wonderful companion to Mapping India also published by Niyogi Books.

 

 

 

 

The following images from the book are used with permission.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Pilar Maria Guerrieri Maps of Delhi ( Foreword by A.G. Krishna Menon)  Niyogi Books, New Delhi, India, 2017. Hb. Rs. 4500 / £65 /$85 

18 June 2017 

 

 

Sami Ahmad Khan, Sci-Fi writer from India

I first came across Sami Ahmad Khan a few years ago when he reached out regarding a manuscript he had written and wanted it evaluated professionally. It was one of the few science fiction novels I had read set in contemporary India. I did read and made a few constructive suggestions. Then I did not hear from him for a while as he was busy finishing his thesis unsurprisingly on contemporary Indian science fiction writers. Now his novel is to be published more or less simulataneously by two publishers — Juggernaut Books ( digital) and Niyogi Books ( print). Meanwhile he has published two articles exploring Indian science fiction.

Daily O article “What if aliens one day land in India? A sci-fi writer asks” ( 8 June 2017)

Huffington Post India article “Aliens In Allahabad, Zombies In Zamrudpur: Discovering Indian Science Fiction” ( 10 June 2017)

Sami and I had a brief and intense exchange over email about his interest in science fiction and the publiction of Aliens in Delhi.  Here is an extract:

  1. Who were the authors you featured in your thesis?

I worked on select (SF) novels/short stories of Anil Menon, Amitav Ghosh, Ruchir Joshi, Shovon Chowdhury, Rimi Chatterjee, Priya Sarukkai Chabria, Manjula Padmanabhan, Vandana Singh, Ashok Banker, Mainak Dhar, Suraj Clark Prasad, and Jugal Mody.

  1. Who were your PhD guides?

Prof. GJV Prasad and Prof. Saugata Bhaduri at JNU

  1. Why did you start writing sci fi stories?

I couldn’t resist! I could see eventualities concretizing in my brain, working out and extrapolating from the current material realities…I love doing that. The question of ‘What if?’ really interests me. And SF I think gives me the best mode of narration to express myself. Not to say that writing and thinking about SF gives me a massive kick!

  1. How did the deal with two publishers happen?

I got two simultaneous offers, within ten days of each other. The first (contract) wanted paperback rights, and the other digital. I opted for both.

  1. Two Books, Two editors

I sent almost the same MS to both these publishers, and editors from respective houses worked on the MS simultaneously. It’s still the same book, but there are minor differences, such as a different sentence here, a different one there, not to mention different copy-editing. But the essence and general narrative is the same.

  1. Due dates of publication

Paperback, brought out by Niyogi, already out.

Digital version by Juggernaut in July 2017

  1. If you had to translate this novel into any other language which version would you use?

Both would do!

  1. How many years did it take to write this novel?

Almost four and a half years. The first draft was written in October-December 2012. Then I let the novel stew in my brain for some time. Then endless drafts and revisions. I kept reworking it till 2015, when I was finally satisfied with it.

  1. Who are the SF writers you admire?

Douglas Adams, Isaac Asimov, Shovon Chowdhury, Star Wars, Star Trek, Doctor Who

  1. Why did you start writing sci fi stories?

I could see eventualities concretizing in my brain, working out and extrapolating from the current material realities…and SF I think gives me the best mode of narration to express myself. Not to say that writing and thinking about SF gives me a kick!

  1. What is that you wish to explore the most in your SF writing?

Space (interplanetary exploration), time (alternate realities/time travel) and ET life (preferably hostile to humans). I love exploring these themes through pulp.

11 June 2017 

 

Literature and inclusiveness

nari-bhav Nari Bhav, published by Niyogi Books, is a collection of essays exploring androgyny and female impersonation in India. These are fascinating insights by practitioners, interviews with actors and some academic papers discussing the concept of nari bhav is a deeply rooted cultural belief in the fluid interplay of the female and male symbolized for example as Ardhanariswara.  A truly exceptional essay is the one by translator, performer and playwright, Pritham Chakravarthy, on performing the Nirvanam. This is the name of the performance she gave to a bunch of monologues that emerged from her work exploring the myth of Aravan that hijras or eunuchs have adopted in South India, especially Tamil Nadu, to contest the many filthy names used for them by the general public. To this she wove in the stories narrated to her by a transgender, ‘Noorie’. The first performance was staged in 2000 and was only ten minutes long. Years later she continues to perform it and the presentation is now forty minutes long and could probably be expanded to sixty minutes. Pritham Chakravarty makes a very interesting comment in her essay: “I sit among the audience and come to the central performance area to emphasize the ‘everychapal-bhaduri day-ness’ of the narrative that will presently unfold before their eyes.” And yet when Chapal Bhaduri, a Bengali actor famous for female impersonations, performed an autobiographical piece at a seminar organized at a Kolkata university in March 2016 it seems that members of the audience were discomfited by the performance.

The concept was simple enough. The performance would be a companion piece to the 1999 documentary on him called Performing the Goddess [ made by Naveen Kishore, Seagull]. In the documentary, entirely shot in the modest ground-floor apartment in north Kolkata where he lives with his son, daughter-in-law and granddaughter of his sister Ketaki Dutta, Chapal Bhaduri gradually transforms himself from Chapal Bhaduri to Chapal Rani, from a man to a woman, from a human to a goddess, from the ordinary to the spectacular. At the seminar he would be doing the reverse. Her would appear before the audience as the Goddess Sitala, and then gradually divest himself of the divinity, the feminity, the spectacular, and end the piece by becoming what he is off-stage: human, male, ordinary. 

While discussing the book with a dear friend I discovered some very interesting facts about his family. This friend shikhandihas often told me how there has always been a space in the Indian society for all genders including for the currently fashionable term — “gender fluid” individuals. When I showed him a picture of Chapal Bhaduri, he told me about his grand-uncle whom everyone in the family called “Dada” and had remained a bachelor all his life. He died a few years ago. Interestingly Dada used to be an usher at some “talkies” in CP or Old Delhi but was always fascinated by dancing and dressing up as a woman. Apparently he was the go-to david-walliamsman in the family for advice on shringar, saris, buying gold jewellery etc. Dada was extremely fond of wearing beautiful Benarasi saris and spent a great part of his meagre salary to amass quite a collection.  While still a young man he began dressing up as a woman. It seems he used to give performances at private gathering. Apparently Dada was very informed about mudras and used to be a delight to watch. Also the family was completely at ease with his gender identity.  Apparently he was considered one of the respected elders of the family and his advice was sought on all important matters. He was also the matchmaker of the community. It probably also explains the comfort family members had with the eunuchs who used to wander in the colony.My friend has childhood memories of having the eunuchs over at home for tea and snacks. It was a regular affair and everyone was at ease with this practice. Another anecdote he recounts is of attending a wedding where where three uncles of the bride dressed up as women in saris and danced as part of the festivities.

And he is not alone in his observations. Anita Roy, publisher and author, wrote this wonderful article in 2006 “Dancing with God” to witness the kōla ceremony; a puja that honours the village deity. ( http://bit.ly/2enwIcW)

Each family in the village undertakes to host this ritual every year.  The presiding bhuta of Adve is Jhumadi (or Dhumavati in the local language, Tulu). A protector of the village and its inhabitants, human, animal and plant, Jhumadi is gendered female and believed to be one of the manifestations of the Goddess Shakti. But like Shiva’s incarnation as Ardhanariswara, she mixes both male and female attributes. Unlike the Puranic gods, who are worshipped in temples, officiated by Brahmin priests and receive offerings as silent spectators, bhutas are more localized spirits who directly influence the lives of their devotees with whom they have a much more intimate, almost neighbourly, relationship.

GeorgeAt the Myrin International Children’s Festival, Reykjavík, well-known author and translator, Lawrence Schimel lawrence-schimel-oct-2016-icelandwhose picture book for children, Amigos Y Vecinos, includes a gay family said that it’s extremely important to include LGBT+ characters in children’s books so they reflect the world that children already live in. (LILJA KATRÍN GUNNARSDÓTTIR, 6 Oct 2016 “LGBT lives just as important as heterosexual ones” http://bit.ly/2fgwEJE ) David Walliam’s first book for children The Boy in the Dress, Alex Gino’s incredibly powerful novel for young adults —George and Richa Jha’s picture book The Unboy Boy are examples of contemporary literature being inclusive by accepting and respecting “unconventional” characters for who they are. Vivek Tejuja, book critic, wrote a poignant article last year entitled “Being gay: how books and reading saved richa-jha-the-unboy-boymy life”. ( Scroll, 21 March 2015, http://bit.ly/2e1gb05)

Reading provided the much needed solace. Reading was a balm to all my aches. Books transported me, took me away from reality. I did not know want to face reality. Why should I? I thought to myself, when I could be lost in the lands of Oz and travel with Gulliver and be miserable with Jane Eyre. Nothing was of consequence, but the authors and the books I read. . . . Reading books was sufficient then. They did not discriminate against me. 

Vivek Tejuja’s forthcoming book meant for young adults will be addressing some of these issues. Siddharth Dube’s precisely told memoir No One Else and A. Revathi’s gripping account of her life as an activist in A Life in Trans Activism are recent contributions to Indian literature discussing sexuality and the grey areas it inhabits —these exist in Nature. revathiThe biggest challenge lies in making this reality visible for now the hypocritic notion that heterosexuality is the norm and everything else is unacceptable on any moral compass reigns supreme. And yet as mythologist Devdutt Pattanaik confirms in Shikhandi and other tales they don’t tell you which is a collection of stories celebrating life “narrated by our ancestors that are rarely retold publicly as they seem to challenge popular notions of normality”. In Oct 2016, Parmesh Shahani, Head – Godrej India Culture Lab, said at the India Economic Summit, New Delhi that parmesh-shahani“inclusion is for everyone and not just the LGBT community”. He bolstered it with evidence that if businesses & institutions are inclusive then it will have a positive impact on productivity, growth and development. ( “India Economic Summit: Breaking Down Diversity Barriers”, 6 Oct 2016. http://bit.ly/2enrUoa )

( Note: All the images are off the internet. If you own the copyright please let me know and I will acknowledge it. )

2 November 2016 

 

 

 

 

Literati: “Ink on the Brink”

jaya_bhattacharji-300x300(My monthly column, Literati, in the Hindu Literary Review was published online ( 17 October 2015) and will be in print ( 18 October 2015). Here is the http://www.thehindu.com/books/literary-review/jaya-bhattacharji-rose-on-india-coping-with-book-bans/article7770216.ece. I am also c&p the text below. )

It remains to be seen how India, despite its business potential, copes with cultural policing, muzzling of free speech, and book bans

According to Nielsen’s The India Book Market Report 2015, released at Frankfurt Book Fair on October 14, the print book market in India is worth Rs. 261bn (£2.5bn), making it the sixth largest in the world, and the second largest of the English language markets. U.K. publishers’ revenues, including e-books, home and exports, are worth £3.3bn. India is the second most populous country in the world, with 1.28 billion people. The literacy rate is rising rapidly, from 65 per cent in 2001 to 74 per cent in 2011; it is predicted to reach 90 per cent in 2020. One quarter of young people define themselves as book readers, comprising by themselves a larger group than the population of the U.K. which is 65 million.

It explains why, for some time now, publishers worldwide are keen to explore strategic partnerships with their Indian counterparts in English and regional languages. According to a 2010-12 report Rebalancing the Economy from the House of Commons, Parliament of Great Britain, “40 per cent of U.K. publishing revenues are derived from exports”. Though the statistic is three years old, it will hold validity in 2015 since the links between British publishers and India are amongst the oldest given the colonial past.

But what happens when a market like India with huge business potential mutates into a territory synonymous with cultural policing, muzzling of free speech, book bans and intolerance of ideas? Does it still remain an attractive market to invest in? Increasing number of writers from various Indian languages are returning their Sahitya Akademi awards and Punjabi writer Dalip Kaur Tiwana returned her Padma Shri in protest against the assassination of rationalist scholars like Kalburgi. For some writers, this form of intellectual censorship is linked to the horrific lynching incident in Dadri. Noted Hindi writer, 90-year-old Krishna Sobti, said while returning her award that India did not need any more “Dadri or Babri”.

***

I have contributed an article on the theme of Independence in Indian Children’s Literature for the inaugural issue of
The Read QuarterlyThe Read Quarterly
. It is a journal on children’s literature, founded by Sarah Odedina and Kate Manning; the Kickstarter campaign has been endorsed by Neil Gaiman. Some of the other contributors include Nury Vittachi, Eoin Colfer, Gita Wolf (Tara Books) and Daniel Hahn. My article maps the literary inheritance of independence/partition of Romila Thaparsubcontinent. Much of it is inadvertently focused on hagiographies written to suit a specific ideological position, reinforcing communal Public Intellectual in Indiapoints of view that took root in British India. Fortunately, there are noticeable positive shifts in contemporary fiction, but as Romila Thapar, the eminent historian, wrote to me, “The goal of the national movement was such that communities came together for a cause and set aside what separated them. It is these moments that need to be remembered in the present times.”

Pigeons of the DomeCultural pluralism, democracy and secularism, the defining traits of India, are now under severe threat. Two collections of short stories published this past month address the complexities of Indian culture and ethos being intimidated by communal forces. Deeply disturbing but essential reading is the Pigeons of the Domes: Stories on Communalism edited by Rakhshanda Jalil (Niyogi Books). It was put together with the sole intention of “tracing the secular thread in the fabric of modern India, a thread that goes back many centuries.” It consists of stories by Gulzar, Ajeet Caur, Asghar Wajahat, Deepak Budki and Keki Daruwalla.

‘They Eat Meat!’ is the opening story in Sahitya Akademi Yuva Puraskar, 2015 winner,the-adivasi-will-not-dance-cover-for-kitaab-interview Hansda Sowvendra Shekhar’s new short story collection The Adivasi Will Not Dance. In ‘They Eat Meat!’ Panmuni and Biram Soren go to live in Gujarat, and are surprised to learn that they would have to stop eating non-vegetarian food to be accepted as citizens. According to the author, “The impetus behind the short story was the experience a Santhal family had in Vadodara during 2000-02. …the things I have mentioned are all as they were told to me by this family. I just changed the names. I wasn’t there in Gujarat in 2002 when the riots happened, but I was curious to know what happened, the insider-outsider equation, the pure-impure thing, the veg-non-veg thing, and so I wanted to write this story….This story first appeared in the literary magazine from Kathmandu, La.Lit. Prawin Adhkari and Rabi Thapa, the editors, published it in August 2014 with the title, ‘DON’T MIX WITH THEM, THEY EAT MEAT!’…It read more like an eyewitness report (in the third person) than a fiction based on facts. For the Speaking Tiger version, my editors and I took the report-like feel out and turned it into more story-like. … In the La.Lit version, imagination was minimum; in the Speaking Tiger version, there is more imagination.”

tram_83_301This fine line between fact and fiction is well summed up in the astounding debut novel, Tram 83 by performance artist and poet, Fiston Mwanza Mujila, translated from the French by Roland Glasser, published by Deep Vellum Publishing. Lucien, the protagonist, while reflecting upon his work, asks: “Is there a limit to the imagination of a writer who takes real facts and uses them to construct a world where truth and fiction coexist?” It is not surprising that Indian writers are protesting intellectual censorship by returning state awards.

17 October 2015 

Web Analytics Made Easy -
StatCounter